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¾ÜºÙ | ¡ÚÊó¹ð¼Ô¡Û¡§Àõ¸ÅÂÙ»Ë¡ÊÆüËܶä¹Ô¶âÍ»¸¦µæ½ê¡Ë ¡Ú¥¿¥¤¥È¥ë¡Û¡§¡É Partially Binding Platforms and the Advantages of Being an Extreme Candidate." ¡Ú¾ì½ê¡Û¡§1¹æ´Û¡Ý401¶µ¼¼ ¡Ú³µÍ×¡Û Àõ¸ÅÂٻ˻á¤Ï¥¦¥£¥¹¥³¥ó¥·¥óÂç³ØÂ´¶È¸å¡¢ÆüËܶä¹Ô¶âÍ»¸¦µæ½ê¤Ë¶Ð̳¤·¤Æ¤ª¤ê¡¢À¯¼£³Ø¤Î¿ôÍýŪ¤ÊʬÀϤò¹Ô¤Ã¤Æ¤¤¤ë¡£º£²ó¤ÏƱ»á¤ÎºÇ¿·¤Î¸¦µæÀ®²Ì¤òÊó¹ð¤·¤Æ¤¤¤¿¤À¤¡¢À¯¼£·ÐºÑʬÀϤβÄǽÀ¤ò¸¡Æ¤¤¹¤ë¤â¤Î¤Ç¤¢¤ë¡£ ÏÀʸ³µÍס§This paper develops a political-competition model in which platforms are¡¡partially binding: a candidate who implements a policy different from his or her platform must pay a cost of betrayal that increases with the size of the discrepancy. I also suppose that voters are uncertain about candidate preferences for policies. If voters believe that a candidate is likely to be extreme, there exists a semi-separating equilibrium: an extreme candidate mimics a moderate candidate with some probability, and with the remaining probability, he announces a platform which commits to a more moderate policy to be implemented. Although an extreme candidate will implement a more extreme policy than a moderate candidate in equilibrium, partial pooling ensures that voters prefer an extreme candidate who does not pretend to be moderate over an uncertain candidate announcing a moderate candidate's platform. As a result, a moderate candidate never has a higher probability of winning than an extreme one. ÏÀʸ¤Î¥ê¥ó¥¯Àè¤Ï¤³¤Á¤é |
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